The following is my answer to a Quora
question: “How do the World Bank and the IMF
get their money?”
The World Bank is actually two banks. The International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development lends to middle-income and creditworthy low-income countries. The International Development Association
lends to the poorest countries, on concessional terms. Both sit inside the larger World Bank Group,
whose mandate is reducing poverty and supporting sustainable development
through project financing and policy advice.
The International Monetary Fund is a
separate institution, with a narrower mandate: safeguarding the stability of
the international monetary system. It
provides financial assistance to countries facing balance of payments
difficulties, and monitors the global economy through its own surveillance
function, the Article IV consultation, conducted with every member country once
a year.
How Each Institution Raises Money
The World Bank’s early funding came from
banks in North America and Western Europe, which kept loan terms strict and
loan sizes small. Robert Strange
McNamara, President of the World Bank from 1968 to 1981, changed this
gradually, and by 1980 much of the funding for loans came from the world debt
market instead. Developing world debt
grew 20 per cent annually from 1976 to 1980 as a direct result.
The IMF raises money through a quota
system, structured like a shareholder arrangement. Each member nation is assigned a contribution
quota, sized to its share of the global economy, and that same quota determines
its voting power. Singapore’s own
Parliament approved grant contributions to the IMF’s Poverty Reduction and
Growth Trust and the PRG-HIPC Trust in February 2026, proportionate to
Singapore’s quota share, following a first motion speech delivered by Alvin Tan
Sheng Hui, Minister of State for Trade and Industry, on behalf of Gan Kim Yong,
Deputy Prime Minister and Chairman of the Monetary Authority of Singapore.
How the Funding is Justified
The IMF has deployed over US$1 trillion in
financing since the pandemic, responding to Covid-19 and the war in
Ukraine. This is the standard
justification offered by contributing nations: the Fund exists to absorb shocks
that individual countries cannot manage alone, and every member’s quota
contribution buys collective insurance against this kind of disruption.
Nabil Abdo, Senior
Policy Advisor on International Financial Institutions of Oxfam International,
accused the IMF of “suspicious silence” during the 2026 food and fuel price
crisis, noting the Fund’s own March statement warned countries to be cautious
while ignoring its role in creating the conditions driving those prices. The IMF’s own Independent Evaluation Office
confirmed in a December 2025 report that fiscal consolidation still takes
priority over growth and distribution in low- and middle-income countries, with
staff failing to systematically assess how adjustment policies burden
low-income households. Developing
country debt now sits at its highest level since the 1990s.
United States Treasury Secretary Scott
Kenneth Homer Bessent offered the opposite criticism entirely. In his IMFC statement, he accused the IMF of “mission
creep,” arguing its work has extended into international development, climate
change, gender, and social issues “disconnected from the institution’s core
mandate.” One side accuses the Fund of
doing too little for the poor. The other
accuses it of doing too much outside its lane.
Both criticisms cannot be fully correct, and neither has forced meaningful
institutional change yet.
Singapore’s Position
Singapore does not publicly campaign
against either institution. It
contributes to IMF trust funds proportionate to its quota, and it submits to
the IMF’s own Article IV surveillance annually, a process most contributing
nations undergo without complaint. The
2025 Article IV consultation found Singapore’s growth had outpaced its peers
from 2020 to 2024, its banking system well-capitalised at an 18.9 per cent
capital adequacy ratio, and its fiscal space ample enough to respond to further
shocks without needing external assistance.
Singapore’s own position, in practice, treats these institutions as
functioning as intended for a well-managed economy, using the IMF’s
surveillance as an external check on its own policy discipline, rather than as
a lender of last resort it has ever needed to call on.
The World Bank and the IMF raise money
through fundamentally different mechanisms, one through capital markets and
member subscriptions, the other through a quota system tied directly to
economic weight and voting power. Both
institutions face opposing criticism about what they should be doing with that
money.
Terence Nunis | Executive Chairman, Equinox Zenith | Author, The 1% Playbook: The Billionaire Cheat Code

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