The following is my
answer to a Quora question: “What are the principles
behind Singapore’s national reserve?”
Every few years, some well-meaning
commentator demands Singapore disclose the exact size of its reserves. They call it transparency. I call it economic illiteracy dressed up as
civic virtue. Singapore built one of the
most disciplined reserve protection systems on the planet because most
governments cannot be trusted with a blank cheque, and the data on what happens
elsewhere proves the point.
What the Reserves Actually Are
The Constitution of the Republic of
Singapore defines reserves as the excess of assets over liabilities of the
Government, statutory boards, and government companies. Strip away the legal language and the concept
is simple. Assets include cash, shares,
land, and buildings. Liabilities include
Singapore Government Securities and Special Singapore Government Securities
issued to the Central Provident Fund Board.
Under the Government Securities (Debt
Market and Investment) Act 1992, the Government cannot spend the proceeds
raised from issuing Singapore Government Securities. Most countries borrow to fund deficits. Singapore borrows to develop its domestic
bond market and park the proceeds as reserves.
Singapore’s headline debt-to-GDP ratio looks large on paper. It is also, functionally, a sovereign savings
instrument rather than a sovereign liability in the conventional sense. Compare that discipline to governments that
borrow to cover today’s payroll and leave tomorrow’s taxpayer holding the bill.
The Two-Key System
Lee Kuan Yew, first Prime Minister of
Singapore, raised the idea of giving the presidency veto powers over the
reserves in August 1984. Six years
later, Goh Chok Tong, then First Deputy Prime Minister and later second Prime
Minister of Singapore, introduced the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore
(Amendment No. 3) Bill in Parliament.
Parliament passed it on 3rd January 1991. It took effect on 30th November
1991.
The mechanism is simple to describe and
brutal to circumvent. The Government
holds one key. The President holds the
other. Neither can access past reserves
alone. Ong Teng Cheong, the first
President elected under this scheme, worked with the Government through 1999 to
develop the working principles that still govern drawdowns today, tabled in
Parliament on 2nd July 1999.
The system has been tested in real crises,
not hypothetical ones. In October 2008,
at the height of the global financial crisis, the Government sought
presidential approval for a S$150 billion guarantee on all local bank deposits,
backed by past reserves. In January
2009, Sellapan Ramanathan, sixth President of Singapore, gave the first
approval in the history of the elected presidency for a S$4.9 billion drawdown
to fund the Budget. That is the system
functioning as designed: access in an emergency, friction against casual
raiding.
The Checks beyond the President
The President can withhold assent to any
Supply Bill, Supplementary Supply Bill, or Final Supply Bill that is likely to
draw on past reserves, which blocks the entire Budget for the year. Statutory boards and government companies
listed under the Fifth Schedule, among them the Central Provident Fund Board,
the Housing and Development Board, the Jurong Town Corporation, the Monetary
Authority of Singapore, GIC, and Temasek Holdings, must present their budgets
to the President for approval before each financial year begins. The accountant-general and auditor-general
must flag any proposed transaction likely to draw on past reserves.
Even the presidential veto has a check on
itself. The Constitution requires the
President to consult the Council of Presidential Advisers before deciding. If he withholds assent against the Council’s
recommendation, Parliament can overrule him with a two-thirds majority
resolution. Nobody holds unchecked power
here.
Who Manages the Money
The Monetary Authority of Singapore
manages the Official Foreign Reserves, the most conservative of the three
pools, weighted heavily toward liquid financial instruments because its job is
defending the currency, not chasing returns.
Reserves stood at S$427.9 billion as at July 2025.
GIC Pte. Ltd. manages Government assets
with a mandate to preserve and grow the international purchasing power of the
reserves over the long term, investing conservatively across a globally
diversified portfolio. GIC has never disclosed
an exact figure, stating only that it manages “well over US$100 billion.” The Sovereign Wealth Fund Institute has
estimated the true figure closer to US$800 billion, though that remains an
outside estimate, not an official one.
Temasek Holdings, by contrast, is an
active, value-oriented equity investor answerable to no government
representation on its board. Its net
portfolio value reached a record S$434 billion for the financial year ended 31st
March 2025, up S$45 billion from the year before, with a total shareholder
return since its 1974 inception of 14 per cent per annum in Singapore dollar
terms.
The Opacity is Deliberate
The Government has never published the
combined total. Publishing MAS and
Temasek figures alongside an exact GIC number would hand the market the
complete picture, and a complete picture is a target. Consider what happened to Thailand in
1997. The Bank of Thailand spent down
its foreign reserves defending the baht against speculative attack until the
reserves were effectively exhausted, forcing a float of the currency, a
collapse in value, and an International Monetary Fund bailout that triggered
the wider Asian Financial Crisis. A
central bank with a known, finite, and dwindling war chest is an invitation to
speculators. Singapore’s refusal to
publish an exact total denies anyone that invitation.
Sri Lanka offers the harshest recent
lesson on what happens when a nation treats its reserves as a slush fund rather
than a sacred trust. By April 2022, Sri
Lanka’s usable foreign reserves had fallen to US$50 million, nowhere near
enough to cover fuel or food imports for a population of twenty-two
million. Fuel queues stretched for
kilometres. Rolling power cuts lasted up
to thirteen hours a day. Mass protests
stormed the presidential residence, and Gotabaya Rajapaksa, then President of
Sri Lanka, fled the country and resigned by email from Singapore, of all
places. Sri Lanka defaulted on its
external debt for the first time in its history that same month.
That is the counterfactual Singapore’s
constitutional architects were guarding against from 1984 onward. Nobody builds a two-key system and a Council
of Presidential Advisers because they expect their own Government to behave
responsibly forever. They build it
because they have watched what happens to countries that assumed theirs would.
From Net Investment Income to Net
Investment Returns
Two constitutional amendments reshaped how
much of the reserves’ earnings the Government can spend. The Constitution of the Republic of Singapore
(Amendment) Act 2001, passed on 12th January 2001, capped annual
spending at 50 per cent of Net Investment Income, the interest and dividends
earned from past reserves, net of costs.
Before that amendment, there was no cap at all.
The Constitution of the Republic of
Singapore (Amendment) Act 2008, passed on 21st October 2008 and
effective from 1st January 2009, broadened the base. Net Investment Returns replaced Net
Investment Income as the spending benchmark, now incorporating the long-term
expected real rate of return from GIC and MAS alongside the investment income
earned through Temasek. The 50 per cent
cap stayed in place. The pool it applied
to simply grew larger.
The result is the Net Investment Returns
Contribution, which supplements the annual Budget directly. It came to an estimated S$19.6 billion in
Financial Year 2021 alone, funding education, research and development, healthcare,
and infrastructure. It has, in recent
years, stood as the single largest contributor to Singapore’s Budget, ahead of
corporate income tax and ahead of the Goods and Services Tax. Few taxpayers appreciate that the single
biggest line item funding their hospitals and schools is not a tax at all. It is compound interest, protected by a
president who cannot touch the principal without consulting a council,
consulting Parliament, and surviving a two-thirds vote against him if he gets
it wrong.
That is the principle behind Singapore’s
national reserve. Not secrecy for its
own sake. Not hoarding for the sake of a
number on a page nobody is permitted to see.
Structural paranoia, codified into the Constitution, because the
alternative has a body count measured in fuel queues and collapsed currencies,
and Singapore had no intention of learning that lesson the way Sri Lanka did.
Terence Nunis
| Executive Chairman, Equinox Zenith | Author, The 1% Playbook: The
Billionaire Cheat Code






