The following
is my answer to a Quora question: “Do
you think the World Bank is right to drop its climate finance target?”
The World Bank’s
Board of Directors voted on 30th June 2026 to drop its target
requiring 45% of financing to carry climate co-benefits. This was a terrible idea, and the timing
alone proves it. The target had already
been met. In 2025, 48% of World Bank
Group financing carried climate co-benefits, exceeding the 45% goal first set
at COP28. Climate finance under the Climate
Change Action Plan, launched in 2021, had nearly doubled by 2025. A target abandoned the moment it succeeds is
not being retired for inefficiency. It
is being retired because someone with the power to demand its removal did not
like what it was funding.
United States
Treasury Secretary Scott Kenneth Homer Bessent made that demand explicit at the
April 2026 World Bank and IMF spring meetings, calling the target “distortionary”
and arguing it “breeds inefficiency, distorts economic decision making, and
moves the Bank away from its core mission.”
Russia and Saudi Arabia backed the same position. Two of the world’s largest fossil fuel
exporters, and the world’s largest historical greenhouse gas emitter under a
president who has called climate change “the greatest con job ever perpetrated
on the world,” combined their shareholder weight to strip a functioning,
already-successful target out of the institution meant to fund the world’s
poorest countries through the transition those same countries did the least to
cause.
The Green
Climate Fund tells the identical story, in real time, on a shorter fuse. In February 2025, the United States rescinded
roughly US$4 billion in outstanding pledges to the GCF, the first country ever
to formally withdraw a commitment already made.
The board met afterwards with an empty seat where the American
representative should have sat. Germany
and Sweden pushed high-income developing nations to help cover the gap. Saudi Arabia, oil wealth and all, called the
suggestion “unacceptable.” In spring
2026, the United Kingdom followed the American lead, halving its own GCF pledge
from £1.6 billion to roughly £815 million.
By November 2025, a planned pledging event at COP30 for the Least
Developed Countries Fund and the Special Climate Change Fund was simply
cancelled, for lack of contributor interest.
The UNEP Adaptation Gap Report puts current adaptation needs at twelve
to fourteen times the finance available.
This is not one government having a bad year. It is a pattern, repeating across every major
public climate fund simultaneously, and the World Bank’s own target just joined
it.
The
Loss and Damage Fund Cannot Fill the Gap Either
The Loss and
Damage Fund closed COP28 with pledges totalling just over US$600 million. This was smaller than the cost of building
the Dubai Expo City venue hosting the conference. Pledges are not disbursements. They are promises, revocable the moment a
donor government’s domestic politics shift, exactly as the GCF, the Adaptation
Fund, and now the World Bank’s own target has each demonstrated within the same
eighteen-month window. Swiss Re
Institute projects climate change could wipe out up to 18% of global GDP by
2050 under a 3.2°C warming scenario. A
fund built on voluntary pledges from governments now actively rescinding
pledges elsewhere was never going to raise anywhere close to the trillions that
figure implies.
A
Secondary Compliance Carbon Market is the Answer
Public
multilateral finance is hostage to whichever government holds the largest
voting share in any given electoral cycle.
A genuine secondary market for compliance-grade carbon credits is not. Article 6’s rulebook, finalised at COP29, and
the Paris Agreement Crediting Mechanism, fully funded and operational following
COP30, finally give carbon credits the legal and financial infrastructure to
trade as a genuine, liquid asset class rather than a voluntary offset nobody
can price reliably. The EU Emissions
Trading System offers the working proof of concept: it has cut covered
emissions by 51% since 2005 and raised over €265 billion in cumulative revenue,
funded entirely by market participants paying for verified carbon allowances,
with no government pledge conference required and no single shareholder able to
rescind the mechanism on a whim. A
functioning secondary market creates enforceable claims, priced by private
capital chasing genuine returns, immune to a change of Treasury Secretary or a
new administration’s rhetoric about “hoaxes.”
Private capital does not abandon a position because Washington’s
politics shifted. It abandons a position
when the underlying asset stops performing, and a properly regulated compliance
market gives carbon credits that discipline – the discipline every public
pledge fund examined here has just proven it lacks.
The
Dire Consequence of Political Expediency
Every
developing nation, and every private investor, now watching the World Bank
abandon a target it had already exceeded, the United States rescind a formal
pledge outright, and the United Kingdom quietly halve its own commitment months
later, has learned the same lesson twice over in eighteen months. Public climate finance commitments are not
durable. They are conditional on
domestic political convenience in whichever country holds the largest
shareholding, and that conditionality poisons every future pledge with the
justified suspicion that it will evaporate the moment a different
administration takes office. That is not
merely bad optics. It actively
discourages the long-term private investment climate adaptation and mitigation
genuinely need, because no serious capital allocator builds a multi-decade
infrastructure plan around a funding source proven, across three separate
institutions now, to disappear on a single shareholder’s whim. A secondary compliance carbon market does not
solve every funding gap. It solves the
one public finance has just proven, repeatedly, it cannot: durability that
survives an election.
Terence
Nunis | Executive Chairman, Equinox Zenith & Red Sycamore | Author, The
1% Playbook: The Billionaire Cheat Code

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